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ricestorage details

Rice is stored in a bamboo shelter finished with clay. This storage belongs to a Hindu family in the Khulna region of Bangladesh. The storage also functions as a prayer altar. In front of the altar a ‘Tulsi’ (Ocimum tenuiflorum or Ocimum sanctum) tree can be observed. Almost every Hindu household has one or several ‘Tulsi’ plants as Hindus worship the Tulsi plant as the Goddess Lakshmi, who is the consort of Lord Vishnu the Creator. The Tulsi plant also has many healing properties aside from its religious symbolism, making it ideal for worship since it has the ability to heal. The extracts from Tulsi leaves are used in traditional Ayurvedic medicines.

 

 

Source used for this blog:

The significance of the Tulsi plant – Hindu Community

http://www.ulwazi.org/index.php5?title=The_Significance_of_the_Tulsi_Plant_-_Hindu_Community

 

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Napier grass (Pennisetum purpureum) is being cut for cattle feeding

Napier grass (Pennisetum purpureum) is being cut for cattle feeding

Napier grass (Pennisetum purpureum is being cut for cattle feeding

Napier grass (Pennisetum purpureum is being cut for cattle feeding

A highly pregnant cow is being washed to provide cooling and to remove ecto-parasites

A highly pregnant cow is being washed to provide cooling and to remove ecto-parasites

A highly pregnant cow is being washed to provide cooling and to remove ecto-parasites

A highly pregnant cow is being washed to provide cooling and to remove ecto-parasites

Rice is spread out to dry

Rice is spread out to dry

pomp

Basket making

Basket making

Smoking a pipe

Smoking a pipe

tvoudemannenwomen1

 
All pictures are taken and owned by me and should not be copied and used without my permission

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Photos were taken at Banchte Shekha NGO in Jessore, Bangladesh

 

 

All pictures are taken and owned by me and should not be copied and used without my permission

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Karkar 043Introduction

The term Kuchi means ‘migrate’ or ‘move’ in Persian and it refers to nomadic people who live in mobile dwellings. Although many Kuchi are Pashtun like the family I visited today, nomadic pastoralists are also found among the Uzbeks and Turkmen among others. As such they don’t share one single culture, language or ethnicity. Their number is estimated at about 2-3 million making up about 10% of the population of Afghanistan.

The settlement I visited consisted of three brothers and their families. Not too far from their settlement other settlements could be observed of related Kuchi families. This clan (i.e. group of close-knit and interrelated families) are now residing on the lower elevation winter pastures in Karkar mountain, here they will stay for most part of the year until the end of spring after which they move to higher elevation summer pastures.

Guljan

Guljan (meaning flower), an elderly women welcomed me into the women’s tent where seven women and lots of children wrapped up in many layers of clothes were gathered. Most of them recognised me and they agreed I looked much stronger and healthier now compared to the last time they saw me (September 2012) because I’m much ‘fatter’ now. I thanked them for the compliment. Guljan covered me with a thick blanket and sat next to me.

A view from the women's tent

A view from the women’s tent

While enjoying tea and fresh sheep yoghurt I asked Guljan about her life when she was young. Apparently she used to be a great horse rider and all the women were laughing when Guljan demonstrated how her hair would move in the wind while she was riding horse. She could ride with one hand and hold her child in the other. On a few occasions in the past she had to race to the hospital on horse with a sick child. I noticed Guljan is the only women with facial tattoos, it used to be part of Kuchi culture but now it can only be seen in older women.

Guljan

Guljan

Historical picture of Kuchi women in Afghanistan with facial tribal tattoo (source: unknown)

Historical picture of Kuchi woman in Afghanistan with facial tribal tattoo (source: unknown)

Karkar 029

Guljan in front of the women’s tent. On the right in the back is the men’s tent.

Sheep breeding

Kuchi’s main specialisation is sheep rearing and producing male lambs for slaughtering; they sell their animals to traders coming from Kabul and Jalalabad. The Kuchi in this area prefer the Turki breed of sheep because it is well-adapted to the harsh environment and climate, they can withstand heat, cold and humidity and do well even without shelter; the Turki have strong legs and good mothering qualities. Lambs are born out in the open without any assistance in all weather types and still the lamb survival rate is about 95% according to the male head of family. This breed is the largest breed of fat-rumped sheep in Afghanistan. It has two distinct humps of fat on their behinds. They have a high growth rate and are a good producer of mutton. The breeding ram is selected based on qualities of good health, long and strong legs and its colour should be black or dark brown; the Kuchi believe this will protect them from cold as black will absorb the sunrays and will keep the sheep warm during the cold winter. They furthermore prefer the stud ram to have a (partly) white face for aesthetic reasons.

The wool is cut in the mountains in the months of May and June. Shearing (or clipping) is mainly done by men but not exclusively; some women I spoke to earlier in September 2012 stated to participate in sheep shearing. Wool is traditionally hand spun by women without use of a spinning wheel. Sheep in this area produce a little over 1kg of wool per year.  Washed but unprocessed wool is used by all households for stuffing mattresses and pillows as it provides a much cheaper alternative to buying cotton. Unprocessed wool is furthermore processed into felted blankets or rugs. Hand spun wool or yarn is processed into saddlebags for donkeys and horses, bags, carpets or ornaments for the home. Surplus wool is sold either unwashed and unprocessed or spun and made into bags or carpets and sold. Some women have started using a spinning wheel as a result of a GIZ/GFA project aiming to increase income earned by women. Hides are sold to middlemen in the bazaar because they don’t have the skills and knowledge to process these into leather items such as coats, hats, bags and others; most hides are exported to Pakistan.

Karkar 034Karkar 063

At the settlement the families make their own naan (flat bread) in a tandoor oven. Yoghurt, soft cheese and butter are made from the cows and sheep milk. They also produce a kind of dried yoghurt known locally as qrut, which can be stored for ages without refrigerator. Apart from sheep and cows, chickens are also kept at the lower elevation settlements to provide eggs for the family. Taking care of the chickens, milking, processing of milk and food preparation is entirely the responsibility of women while men tend the sheep.

The kitchen

The kitchen

Sheep dogs

Large guard dogs are kept with the sheep and these will protect the sheep (and people) from wild animals including wolves I was told; these dogs will not hesitate to attack. These ‘Central Asian Sheepdogs’ can be found accompanying nomads in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and the most of the southern Russian provinces. These dogs have been used for more than 5000 years including along the silk route. In the past these dogs were also used for hunting big and small game. They are adapted to the nomadic life and do not require much food and maintenance to survive. They are usually fed leftovers or have to go hunt for themselves.

Changing way of life

This family used to have thousands of sheep and about 100 camels and horses to carry their tents and all belongings. The tents were self-made out of local materials.  They would go on long migrations far into the mountains. When the situation deteriorated in Afghanistan during the Russian invasion they decided to migrate to Pakistan in 1981-1982 and they returned to Afghanistan about 20 years later in 2001 after the fall of the Taliban when the situation in Afghanistan appeared to be improving.

Camels and horses are now substituted by pickup trucks that transport the tents and materials. Many former Kuchi in this area are sedentarizing now; they have built permanent dwellings and some have acquired agricultural land. Some have become entirely sedentary; those families that shifted their focus on agriculture or other occupations or families that don’t have enough men to tend the sheep now rent a shepherd (chupan) to take their sheep for grazing.

Guljan and her family have also become semi-sedentary; they have a permanent house in a village not far from karkar mountain and only part of the family will now move with the sheep; this includes both male and female family members.  Their migration routes are shorter now as a result of Afghanistan’s growing population which causes competing claims over summer pastures, both for rainfed cultivation and for grazing of the settled communities’ livestock. Conflicts over land across central and northern Afghanistan are increasing. Kuchis used to have access to pastures and grazing land all across the country but now, local people do not allow Kuchis to enter their areas, and widespread insecurity, local militias and landmines also inhibit their access to grazing land. This coupled with years of drought and environmental degradation has further deteriorated Kuchi herders’ access to pasture land.

Due to the above unfortunately the situation of the kuchi is described in several reports as deteriorating. They are now considered one of the poorest and most vulnerable groups in the country. Kuchis currently make up over 70% of Afghan Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs) according to the UNHCR. Contributing to their vulnerability is also the conservative nature of their community and strict adherence to gender roles. Many of the semi-sedentary (Pashtun) Kuchi families I spoke to are illiterate especially women and they don’t send their children to school. Women are generally not allowed to leave the family compound and men or boys would do their shopping. Many also don’t speak Dari, the second official language of Afghanistan.

The situation of the clan I visited at Karkar mountain fortunately looks brighter. The shorter migration routes allows them to keep cows in addition to their sheep, something that wouldn’t have been possible in earlier times on longer migrations. This is a development of the last decade for this clan. The milk from the cows is a welcome additional source of income for the Kuchi; income that is earned and controlled by women.

Karkar 010

Furthermore the head of this clan told me they and other clans from this area have decided to raise money to construct a school for girls because they feel that both boys and girls should be educated and have knowledge about their rights, this will hopefully help them adapt better to changing times.

Karkar 046

Sources used for this blog 

In addition to the information I got from interviews with the Kuchi I also used the following information sources for background/additional information:

Barfield, T.J. (2004) Nomadic Pastoralists in Afghanistan. Reconstruction of the Pastoral Economy. Bank Information Centre, Washington.

IRIN (2008) Afghanistan: Kuchi nomads seek a better deal. Humanitarian news and analysis, a service of the UN office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Internet webpage. Source: http://www.irinnews.org/Report/76794/AFGHANISTAN-Kuchi-nomads-seek-a-better-deal [accessed 1 April 2013]

Minority Rights Group International (2008), World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples – Afghanistan : Kuchis, 2008, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/49749d698.html [accessed 2 April 2013]

Choopan Guardians (2013) Internet webpage. Source:  http://afghanland.com/kochi/ [accessed 1 April 2013

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Presented during the 13th International Symposium on Veterinary Epidemiology & Economics held in Maastricht from 20-24 August 2012

The presentation can also be viewed here:

ellengeerlings73-1522553-hpai-risk-perception-poultry-keepers-egypt

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The UN Food and Agriculture Organization Food Price Index in January 2011 exceeded the peak of the 2007-2008 food price crisis. When it comes to food, the boundaries between stability and disorder are easily crossed. In how far increases in food prices stand at the bases of the unrest now seen in the Middle East is unclear but it is clear that food prices can be an important factor in causing civil unrest and a catalyst for anti-government protests. Egypt has been at the epicenter of recent unrest in the Middle East. With more than 40% of the population living on less than 2$ a day, volatility of food prices can easily contribute to instability and unrest on the streets.

While Egypt’s economy has grown over the past ten years, progress in human development has been uneven. It has proven difficult to improve the situation of the poorest and most vulnerable. Forty per cent of Egyptians live on less than $2 a day. The proportion of extreme poor (inability to meet the basic food needs) has even increased in recent years. Soaring food prices are the main driver behind the increase in the proportion of people living in extreme poverty; this share increased from 5.4% to 6.4%; this means 5-6 million people are unable to meet basic food needs, let alone basic housing.

This is Amira, a divorced lady of 70 with bad eyesight and hearing. She shares her tiny house with a 12-year old orphaned girl whom she takes care off. Amira sleeps on a hard bed and her toilet consists of a hole in the floor of her tiny house. All she owns is 4 chickens and the rest of her possessions are contained in a few plastic bags. She used to have 15 chickens but she lost 11 due to disease; possibly bird flu. She lives of a small pension of 55 Egyptian Pounds (EGP), this is equivalent to 5.8 United Kingdom Pounds (GBP) per month and occasionally receives charity in the form of food or money from well-off villagers. She sometimes earns a few Egyptian pounds by selling a few eggs. The vast majority of her money is spent on food and she will regularly have only tea and dry bread for her meals. Women support one fifth of Egyptian households, these households are especially vulnerable because of lack of income-generating opportunities as women have lower levels of education, public participation and poorer access to health and vocational training than men. The few chances open to women of earning money are often limited to seasonal labour, petty trade and poultry keeping.

This is Rehan, she is 29 year old, she lives in her mother’s house with her 9 year old daughter; both women are widowed. Like her mother, Rehan did not go to school but she decided to take adult literacy classes a few years ago and can now read and write. Her daughter is in primary school.

This is Rehan’s daughter and her mother. The household depends on a monthly pension of 250EGP (26.3GBP) in addition to a monthly gift of well-off villagers of 20EGP (2.1GBP) to 40EGP (4.2GBP). The household owns 5 chickens, which regularly provide eggs for household consumption. They spend about 150EGP (15.8GBP) on food every month; this is about 54% of their total budget. Most of the rest is spend on water and electricity costs and school expenses such as materials, school uniform, and private lessons for her daughter, which cost 8EGP per week. Private tutoring –both within rich and poor households- is very common in Egypt and is needed to compensate for the low quality of public education and to supplement the low pay of teachers in the public sector.

Poultry keeping is a major component of the livelihoods of the poor in Egypt providing income and a cheap source of high quality protein. Poultry keeping is one of a few income generating activities available to women and the simultaneous impact of bird flu which is now endemic in Egypt and soaring food prices have affected women’s economic empowerment and well being. Income from poultry is often spent on children’s needs such as education, while eggs form an important source of protein for children.

In order to cope with the simultaneous impact of bird flu and soaring food prices many households changed their diets in favour of plant based protein such as lentils or beans instead of animal protein in the form of meat and fish which are much more expensive.

Molokeya (Jew’s Mellow) is a typical Egyptian dish. Here women are separating the leaves from the stems. The leaves will be used to prepare a sort of soup. Molokeya is usually eaten with rabbit, which is considered an expensive delicacy. Less well off households will replace the rabbit with chicken or offal meat.

Bread is the cheapest as well as most important food item in Egyptian diets. Supplying cheap bread has been a key principle of government policy for decades as it is regarded crucial for ensuring social stability. Two thirds of Egyptians eat subsidized bread and the state meets 96% of the cost. About 85% of Egypt’s bread is subsidised, this equals about 230 million loaves a day. Subsidized bread is distributed via bread stalls such as this one

However any changes to this subsidy system in a country where 40% of the population live on less than $2 a day can create volatile situations. This fragile state became visible in April 2008 when bread shortages, as a result of the surge in food prices, sparked civil unrest. Some people lost their lives and many were wounded. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization Food Price Index in January reached a new historic peak, rising for the seventh successive month and exceeding the peak of the 2007-2008 food price crisis. When it comes to food, the boundaries between stability and disorder are easily crossed. In how far increases in food prices stand at the bases of the unrest now seen in the Middle East is unclear but it is clear that food prices can be an important factor in causing civil unrest and a catalyst for anti-government protests.

For privacy reasons fictive names have been used in this blog.

Acknowledgements

The information in this blog is based on interviews carried out by my colleagues and me in Suhag, Assuit, Menia and Fayoum governorates in the months of October and November 2010. This research was part of my PhD research exploring how HPAI and the food crisis have affected the food security and livelihood situations of rural households in Egypt.

I’d like to thank FAO for providing the opportunity to do my PhD research during an FAO assignment

I’d like to thank Eman Abdel Raouf, Arwa El Naggar, Gebril Mahjoub Osman and AbdelHakim Ali for translations and good company.

The International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) has reproduced, edited and published my post under the title: Food and Egypt: Did high food prices help stir the public revolt?

Related posts about Egypt:

Bread, art and politics

‘we are out calling for our freedom and we will not rest till we get it’

A story of garbage and pigs

‘Uncertain times in Egypt’: a small feature in Farming Matters magazine produced by ileia

All the photos posted on my blog are owned by me and they should not be used without my permission

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The Raika represent one of the largest groups of livestock herders in India. Through their innovativeness, adaptability and specialised knowledge, they have managed to thrive in a harsh, semidesert environment. They have developed hardy livestock breeds and a complex social web that revolves around their animals. But external factors are pushing the Raika to the limits of their resourcefulness and threatening their livelihood with extinction.

The Raika or Rebari are one of the largest groups of livestock herders inhabiting the western districts of Rajasthan and Gujarat in India, including the great Thar Desert. Their population is estimated to be somewhere between one quarter and half a million people. The Raika were the traditional caretakers of the camel herds belonging to the Maharajahs. When the royal camel establishments were dissolved in the first half of the 20th century, many of the camels passed into ownership of the Raika, who switched to producing camels for the emerging market in draught animals.

Nowadays, camels are kept by a relatively small number of Raika families while sheep and goat husbandry is practiced by the vast majority to service a growing meat market. The Raika began keeping sheep about 200 to 250 years ago. During this time they have been influencing and developing the traits of their sheep by selective breeding and recently by crossbreeding with other breeds. In this way they have developed hardy breeds that are drought resistant, capable of walking long distances and able to produce lambs for slaughter.

Sheep husbandry and specifically breeding are generally regarded as men's domain, but it is really a system dependent on the labour of all members of the household. Often overlooked is the key role women play in terms of food production, maintaining agro-biodiversity, and providing labour. They also offer specialised knowledge in certain areas of animal husbandry and have specific decision-making roles.

Due to the fact that they operate under migratory conditions, Raika pastoralists have traditionally resorted to self-treatment of their sheep and camel herds. Here a stone causing lameness is removed.

The Raika have developed their own system of animal healthcare making use of plant, animal and mineral based remedies, conventional drugs and traditional healers. Here a camel is fed plant-based medicines.

Every morning this Raika checks his sheep and goats before they are taken for grazing. Sick animals are left behind and taken care off by his wife and daughter.

This herd of camels is also checked every morning before they go out for grazing.

Many of the Raika are able to distinguish between the different diseases, know the symptoms associated with the diseases and know whether diseases are contagious or not. This Raika is indicating a health problem in one of his sheep.

Many of the Raika are able to distinguish between the different diseases, know the symptoms associated with the diseases and know whether diseases are contagious or not. This Raika is indicating a health problem in one of his sheep.

Treatments mostly consist of enhancing a sheep’s resistance by giving it edible oil mixed with turmeric or ghee or buttermilk mixed with turmeric (Curcuma longa) and jaggery. These mixtures contain high contents of proteins and energy and help the weakened sheep to regain strength and recover from disease. Additionally most respondents regularly visit a temple to pray for their sheep’s welfare and health. In some cases mantras are chanted for sick sheep and many sheds have small niches build in the walls in which small altars are build in order to pray for the sheep such as the one here.

Most households breed their own stud ram or rams, and the Raika follow a very careful selection process, which involves both men and women. They evaluate and inspect all close family members, especially the ram lamb's mother, using a system called nav guna, meaning "nine qualities". The mother of the ram lamb is assessed according to several criteria, the most important of which is milk production. The breed presented in this picture is especially favoured for its high milk production.

Sheep play an important role in social and cultural life. Before sheep shearing, the Raika perform a ceremony for Laxmi, goddess of money, who they hope will reward them with good wool prices and quality wool. They select some of their best sheep, rams and ewe lambs. These sheep are washed; paint (tika) is put on their head, and they are given jaggery and coconut while incense is burned. Some sheep are given silver jewellery to wear around their necks. When a lamb is born during the last day of Poonam (14th day of each Hindi month when it is full moon) or during Amawash (the 30th day of each Hindi month when there is no moon), the lamb is never sold or slaughtered. These Amar sheep (male) and Janri (female) give status and respect to the owner. The shepherd has offered the two sheep presented in the picture to a local Hindu deity. The Henna paint used during the ceremony can still be seen. Most Raika offer sheep to honour their gods or to ask the gods to protect their sheep. The sheep that have been dedicated to the deity are considered sacred and can no longer be slaughtered or sold by the shepherd.

Raika herds are passed down from father to son. Many generations of Raika took pride in their occupation and were able to make a good living out of sheep and goat husbandry.

Young Raika men are not as keen as their forefathers to take up pastoralism. Despite a growing demand for animal products such as meat and ghee, there are several factors that challenge the pastoralist lifestyle. Solutions seem to lie increasingly beyond the reach of the Raika, entangled in a complex mix of local politics, unfavourable national agricultural policies and conflicting interests within the Raika themselves. Several recent developments, including long drought periods in the last ten years, overpopulation, increasing disease pressure and decrease in fodder resources. Migration is increasingly getting more difficult because irrigated fields get in the way of migration routes and do not allow sheep to graze on the stubble. The Raika unanimously cite the shortage of grazing land as a serious threat to their livelihood. This herd has to travel greater distances each year to find grazing grounds.

In addition, Raika society is inherently conservative; it is ruled by elders who are sceptical about change and do not realise the need to adapt to new circumstances and adopt new skills. These elder Raika do not necessarily share or defend the interests of younger Raika pastoralists.

These are but a few of the forces that have been changing the ecological and institutional landscape in Rajasthan. The Raika have not been favoured by any of these changes and are increasingly marginalised. When the Raika are forced to sell their animals there are few alternatives but to take up low paid labour in cities that are already overpopulated. This leads to disrupted families, frustration, alienation and sometimes alcohol abuse and HIV infection. Raika identity is tied to their animals. This distinguishes them from others and gives people a sense of pride, independence and well-being. If the Raika lose their livelihood, valuable breeds and invaluable knowledge will also be lost.

This young Raika boy is doing his homework early in the morning before going to school while his mother is preparing breakfast. His father has gone on migration and it will take months before he will be back. Whether this boy will be able to continue his father’s profession remains uncertain.


This blog was reproduced from a feature I have written for Seedling magazine with a few changes and additions.

This feature was edited and published in New Agriculturist 

Sources I used for this blog:

Geerlings, Ellen. (2004) The black sheep of Rajasthan. Seedling magazine, October issue p.11-16. Genetic Resources Action International. Barcelona, Spain.

Geerlings, Ellen. (2001) Sheep husbandry and Ethnoveterinary knowledge of Raika sheep pastoralists in Rajasthan, India. MSc thesis Wageningen University, The Netherlands.

Köhler-Rollefson, Ilse. (1999) From royal camel tenders to dairymen: occupational changes within the Raikas. In Eds. H Rakish and J Rajendra: Desert, Drought and Development: Studies in resource management and sustainability, Institute of Rajasthan Studies, Jaipur.

Acknowledgements

I’d like to thank the Raika who provided me with their valuable information and time, the League for Pastoral Peoples for their support and giving me the opportunity to work with the Raika, Lokhit Pashu Palak Sansthan for logistical help and support, and especially to Ramesh Bhatnagar for his help, patience, translation and good company.

More information on the Raika can be found at:

http://www.pastoralpeoples.org/

All the photos posted on my blog are owned by me and they should not be used without my permission

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